PETROMIN vs PETRONAS — THE VANISHING VISION OF SOVEREIGN WEALTH

 

By: Joseph Aporo | Engineering Surveyor & Customary Land Advocate | October 28, 2025 |

In 2007, Papua New Guinea stood on the cusp of a resource revolution. The late Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare, architect of independence and visionary of economic sovereignty, launched Petromin PNG Holdings Ltd — a state-owned petroleum company modeled after Malaysia’s Petronas. The name wasn’t accidental. Petromin echoed Petronas, signaling a bold ambition: to build a national oil and gas champion that could rival global giants and anchor PNG’s development.

But that vision was short-lived.

Following the 2011 political impasse and the rise of Hon. Peter O’Neill, Petromin was quietly dismantled. In its place emerged Kumul Petroleum Holdings Ltd (KPHL) — a rebranded entity with no clear continuity of Somare’s sovereign blueprint. The name changed. The ethos shifted. And with it, the dream of a PNG Petronas began to fade.

PETRONAS: A Sovereign Success Story

Petronas is more than a company — it’s a symbol of Malaysia’s resource independence. Founded in 1974, it grew into a vertically integrated global powerhouse, operating in over 50 countries and generating billions in revenue. Its profits fund national infrastructure, education, and innovation. Its towers dominate Kuala Lumpur’s skyline. Its brand commands respect.

Petromin, by contrast, was never given the chance to mature. It was born with promise but buried by politics.

KPHL: Sovereignty Undermined?

Today, KPHL operates in a fog of political interference. Licenses are stripped from local firms and handed to foreign entities. Strategic partnerships reroute wealth offshore. Ministers override corporate governance. What was meant to be a vehicle for national empowerment has become, in many cases, a conduit for neo-colonial extraction.

This is not reform. It is relocation of sovereignty.

The invisible war on PNG’s resource wealth is not fought in parliament or on battlefields. It unfolds in boardrooms, treaty negotiations, and ministerial corridors — where decisions are made without public scrutiny, and sovereignty is traded for short-term gain.

The Curriculum of Betrayal

This history — the rise and fall of PETROMIN, the politicization of KPHL, the erosion of resource sovereignty — must be taught in our schools. Not as a footnote, but as a foundational lesson in nationhood. Our children must learn that sovereignty is not inherited. It is built, defended, and sometimes stolen.

CONCLUSION: Reclaiming the Sovereign Vision

As Papua New Guinea commemorates its Golden Jubilee, the defining question is not whether we merely “reset at 50,” but whether we will still possess sovereign control over our oil, gas, and mineral wealth by the time we reach 60.

Empowering Kumul Petroleum Holdings Ltd to evolve into PNG’s own Petronas is not simply a matter of sound economic policy — it is a profound act of national reclamation. This transformation demands more than structural reform; it requires the insulation of KPHL from political interference, the restoration of its original mandate, and a recommitment to the founding vision laid down by the late Grand Chief Sir Michael Thomas Somare.

His legacy endures not only in the institutional blueprint of Petromin, but in the unwavering belief that Papua New Guinea can — and must — unite to achieve true economic independence. That vision still watches over us. It calls for courage, integrity, and collective resolve to ensure that our national petroleum company serves the people, not the proxies of foreign interests.

Only then can we reclaim what was envisioned: A SOVEREIGN FUTURE BUILT ON OUR OWN TERMS. ♣︎

Photo Credit: Petromin Holdings Limited Website

ABUSE OF OFFICE AND POLITICAL BLACKMAIL IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA

Papua New Guinea now stands at a dangerous crossroads — a nation where the instruments of law and order have been weaponized by those sworn to uphold them....

It is now painfully clear that Prime Minister James Marape and Police Commissioner David Manning have turned key state institutions into private tools of blackmail, intimidation, and political manipulation.

Instead of protecting justice and democracy, they have created a shadow network of control — using investigations, arrests, and state resources to silence, threaten, and dominate fellow leaders....

THE GLORIA SALIKA BARGAIN — A COLLUSION OF POWER

At the heart of this scandal lies the Gloria Salika case — a criminal investigation into the Chief Justice’s own daughter, Gloria Francesca Salika, who was formally charged for money laundering, misappropriation, and conspiracy to defraud, involving funds from Western Province landowners....

Police financial tracing revealed that part of those stolen funds were transferred into an account belonging to Chief Justice Sir Gibbs Gibuna Salika....

When this evidence reached Police Commissioner David Manning, he allegedly briefed Prime Minister Marape....

But instead of ordering the police to act, Marape instructed Manning to stand down, effectively burying the case...

That single decision became Marape’s ultimate leverage — the tool of blackmail that silenced the Chief Justice...

In return for Marape’s protection of Gloria Salika, the Chief Justice refused to entertain Marape’s three written letters to former Finance Deputy Secretary Jacob Yafai , which had authorised illegal payments to Paul Paraka Lawyers— the very scandal that could have exposed Marape’s own hands...

A BARGAIN FOR SILENCE THAT CORRUPTED JUSTICE

This bargain for silence has infected the highest seat of justice...

It explains why Paul Tiensten was sent to Bomana Prison for ten years over a mere footnote, yet James Marape walked free after signing three (3) written payments directives--an injustice that stains the judiciary itself..

This is no coincidence...

This is collusion--a criminal web of protection where justice is traded for Political safety...

BLACKMAIL AS A POLITICAL WEAPON..

The many many land deal was maliciously reopened by commissioner Manning, not for justice but to threaten Minister William Duma...

The PNG games funds investigation was selectively reviewed to corner Governor William Powi...

A serious file involving Goroka MP Aiya Tambua has been deliberately suppressed while Deputy PM John Rosso , Rainbo Paita and former PM, Peter O'Neill have been targets of covert investigations controlled directly from Police headquarters...

This calculated pattern of selective prosecution, political intimidation and abuse of investigative Power is a direct threat to democracy..

What was once a justice system is now a machinery of blackmail and extortion , run from the highest office of the Government...

A NATION HELD HOSTAGE BY BLACKMAIL

PNG must wake up now to the reality that Prime Minister James Marape and Police commissioner Mr David Manning have created a dangerous network of blackmail--- targeting fello leaders , senior bureaucrats and political figures to maintain control and Power..

This is no longer about Law and order --it is about Political Survival through fear, intimidation and manipulation..

The Government built on blackmail cannot stand on the foundation of justice..

If this Government continued unchecked, PNG democracy will collapse under the weight of its own corruption...

African Revolution of Sciences, Technology and Spirituality

In a small workshop, four African schoolgirls turned imagination into power—literally. They built a generator that creates six hours of electricity from just one liter of urine, proving that innovation begins not with resources, but with vision.

Their invention is a testament to human creativity—to the way necessity and curiosity merge into brilliance when guided by courage. What others might overlook, they transformed into energy.

Science calls this hydrogen conversion. Spirit calls it alchemy—the transformation of the ordinary into the extraordinary.

These girls remind the world that genius does not require wealth, and that innovation often blooms in the places least expected. They are pioneers of possibility, proving that the future belongs to those who dare to rethink what’s possible.

Their creation is not just technology—it’s empowerment, showing that energy can flow from compassion, community, and courage.

They’ve turned waste into light, both literally and symbolically—a perfect metaphor for how humanity can transmute challenges into illumination.

From their hands, a spark was born that now belongs to the world.

Bill to separate lease and custom land ownership processes

By Terence Malapa Oct 21, 2025 Updated 

Parliament will debate the Custom Land Management (Amendment) Act No. of 2025, in its extraordinary session this week.

This amendment aims to solve long-standing problems in how custom land is managed in Vanuatu.

The Minister of Justice and Community Services will present the Bill that makes changes to the Custom Land Management Act No. 33 of 2013 to fix confusion caused by overlapping laws and unclear roles between different government departments.

One of the main goals is to make land processes simpler and clearer. At the moment, several land laws are mixed together, such as the issuing of negotiator’s certificates, identifying custom landowners, and creating land leases. This has caused delays and confusion.

Under the new amendment, the Custom Land Management Office (CLMO) will no longer be responsible for identifying custom landowners when someone applies for a negotiator’s certificate.

Instead, the CLMO’s role will be limited to helping with the identification of landowners and use rights before the application goes to the Department of Lands.

The Bill also aims to return power to traditional systems when it comes to solving land disputes.

In 2013, changes to the Constitution recognized nakamals and Area Land Tribunals as the final authorities on custom land ownership.

However, the original law required these groups to make decisions only if all members agreed, which slowed things down.

The bill removes this rule and allows decisions to be made according to local custom, speeding up the process and supporting traditional ways of decision-making.

Another important change is the creation of a National Registry for customary land.

Currently information about custom landowners is kept under a different law that makes it hard to update.

The new registry will keep up-to-date records of land interests, disputes, and landowner representatives. It will be managed by a National Coordinator and help those applying for negotiator’s certificates by providing reliable information.

The Bill also removes the role of community land officers. These officers were introduced in 2013 without proper planning.

They were usually full-time public servants like teachers or police officers

expected to do land duties for free. This caused problems and risks, so the government has decided to delete all parts of the law that mention them.

The amendment also includes other changes such as updating legal definitions, removing sections of the old law, and adding new rules for how decisions are made, how disputes are resolved, and how landowner representatives are chosen or changed.

One of the most important changes is a clear process for appointing and replacing landowner representatives, with meetings organized and recorded by custom land officers.

This amendment is an important step toward making Vanuatu’s land laws better match traditional systems. By supporting custom leadership, creating a national land record, and removing unrealistic legal rules, the Bill brings land management back in line with Vanuatu’s culture and practical needs.

The new law will take effect once it is published in the official Gazette. Government departments and custom authorities are now preparing to carry it out.

These changes are expected to make land matters clearer, reduce conflicts, and build more public trust in how land is managed in Vanuatu.

terence@dailypost.vu

Stephen Biko / 46 anniversary since he passed away; rest in peace

"It is better to die for an idea that will live, than to live for an idea that will die."

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"Bantu Stephen Biko was a South African anti-apartheid activist. He was at the forefront of a grassroots anti-apartheid campaign known as the Black Consciousness Movement during the late 1960s and 1970s. His ideas were articulated in a series of articles published under the pseudonym Frank Talk. Raised in a poor Xhosa family, Biko grew up in Ginsberg township in the Eastern Cape. In 1966, he began studying medicine at the University of Natal, where he joined the National Union of South African Students. Strongly opposed to the apartheid system of racial segregation and white-minority rule in South Africa, Biko was frustrated that NUSAS and other anti-apartheid groups were dominated by white liberals, rather than by the blacks who were most affected by apartheid. He believed that well-intentioned white liberals failed to comprehend the black experience and often acted in a paternalistic manner.#fblifestyle

Phoenix (USA), 7 May, 2019 Victor Mambor and Richard Adkerson

I still remember when this guy (Richard Adkerson, Chairman of the Board at Freeport-McMoRan) said that no matter how many shares Indonesia asked for, they would give them as long as PT. Freeport Indonesia's technology remained under their control. The negotiations were just window dressing. I'm sure their stance is still the same today. Whether it's 10%, 12%, or even 51%, it doesn't matter. They know the key is still in their hands. Shares are just numbers. They can be taken anywhere without issue. But technology is the key. Take it away, and the world's largest gold mine will die. Besides, we also know the nature of this nation. Numbers will become a source of contention for the greedy. Not for the prosperity of the people

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Saya masih ingat ketika pace satu ini (Richard Adkerson, Chairman of the Board at Freeport-McMoRan) bilang berapapun saham yg diminta Indonesia mereka akan berikan selama teknologi yang digunakan PT. Freeport Indonesia tetap dikuasai mereka. Negosiasi hanyalah bunga2 sj. Pasti masih sama sikap mereka sekarang. Mau 10%, 12% bahkan 51% pun tdk ada masalah. Mereka tahu, kuncinya ada di mereka. Saham hanyalah angka. Dibawa kemanapun tdk masalah. Tapi teknologi adalah kunci. Dibawa pergi, matilah tambang emas terbesar di dunia itu. Lagipula, kita tau juga tabiat bangsa ini. Angka akan jadi bancakan bagi mereka2 yang tamak. Bukan untuk kemakmuran rakyatnya!

Reclaiming Democracy: From the Ballot Box to the People's Will

The ideal of democracy is one of the most powerful political concepts in human history. At its core, it is a simple yet profound idea: a government "of the people, by the people, for the people." This means that the rulers are chosen from among the common citizens to represent their interests, their needs, and their aspirations. Leaders are not a distant aristocracy but are supposed to be a reflection of the community itself, elected by the people, from the people.

The Democratic Ideal in Action

In theory, democracy works through a sacred civic ritual: the election. Citizens enter polling stations and cast their votes for the candidates and parties they believe will best represent them. This process is meant to be the ultimate expression of the public will.

Examples of this process include:

· General Elections: Where a nation selects its representatives to a parliament or congress.

· Presidential Elections: Where a country chooses its head of state and government.

· Local Elections: For mayors, councilors, and local boards, bringing governance closest to the people.

Once elected, these politicians are expected to translate their campaign promises into law and policy—building the infrastructure, managing the economy, and providing the services they pledged to deliver. Their power is derived from the consent of the governed, and their mandate is to serve the "Commons"—the collective good of all citizens.

The Great Betrayal: When Democracy is Hijacked

However, a critical flaw has emerged in this system, creating a vast chasm between the ideal and the reality. Too often, after the ballots are counted, the government ceases to represent the interests and agenda of the people who elected it.

Why does this happen? The system becomes vulnerable to manipulation by those with concentrated wealth. Through massive campaign donations, lobbying, and promises of future lucrative jobs, the interests of a wealthy few can "buy off" the political process. The priorities of the government then subtly—or sometimes overtly—shift from serving the Commons to serving these narrow, moneyed interests. This is no longer a true democracy; it functions as a plutocracy—a government of the rich, by the rich, for the rich.

This manipulated system was promoted and has become entrenched, not to liberate the people, but to create a legal framework where the will of the wealthy is placed above the will of the common citizen.

Towards a Post-Postmodern Democracy: A Call for True Representation

The postmodern era deconstructed old truths, but the post-postmodern era must be about reconstruction. It is time to look beyond the mere ritual of voting and build a system that ensures the true and continuous representation of the people's will and interests.

This new vision requires radical changes:

1. Accountability Through a Mandate Period: The election process should not end on voting day. It should be considered complete only several years later, after we can assess whether the elected officials have actually executed their campaign promises. An independent body would track their performance against their manifesto.

2. Mechanisms for Immediate Challenge and Replacement: There must be proper, accessible mechanisms for the people to challenge and replace a government that fails to deliver on its promises. This goes beyond waiting for the next election cycle. Robust recall mechanisms, where constituents can trigger a new election if their representative fails, should be a standard feature of democracy.

3. Challenging the Tyranny of the Majority and the Party System: The current model of "leadership by majority votes" within a parliament often leads to the exclusion of minority voices. This must be challenged by exploring systems that better represent diverse views, such as forms of leadership by electoral votes or proportional representation that ensures all voices are heard in governance.

Furthermore, the dominance of political parties often stifles genuine representation. Party loyalty can force politicians to betray their constituents' interests to follow the party line. This is especially pertinent in regions like Melanesia, where traditional "Big Man" leadership and community-based decision-making exist. Here, there shouldn't be a need for political parties at all. Candidates could stand as independents, accountable solely to their community and its unique needs, rather than to a distant party manifesto and hierarchy.

Conclusion

Democracy is not a static concept to be taken for granted. It is a living ideal that must be constantly defended, refined, and adapted. The current system, vulnerable to manipulation by wealth, has shown its weaknesses. The path forward is to build a more resilient, accountable, and genuine democracy—one that is measured not by the act of voting alone, but by the continuous fulfillment of the people's will. It is a call to move from a democracy in name to a democracy in spirit and in truth.