Israel Prime Minister and Fiji Prime Minister Inaugural of Fiji Embassy in Jerusalem

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, today, attended the dedication of the Fijian Embassy in Jerusalem, together with Fijian Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka and Foreign Affairs Minister Gideon Saar.

Prime Minister Netanyahu at the ceremony:

"It's a moving moment to have you here, with your ambassador, your staff, your delegation, our foreign minister, deputy foreign minister and all the friends who've gathered here at this important moment.

First of all, only one time you can be seventh. Then comes eighth, ninth; seven is an important number, it's a symbolic number in our tradition.; You're opening an embassy in the 'City on the Hill,' the city of Jerusalem. 

Here, next to the walls of our ancient city, the prophets spoke, the kings of Israel ruled, and some of the greatest insights of human faith and values were inscribed here. They were etched in our hearts and in the hearts of people all over the world.

When I listened to your anthem just now, I heard words that came from Zion, from Israel, from here – from Jerusalem.  The words that came from here. So we have a common bond, a common civilization, even though you are on the other side of the Earth in the middle of an ocean, happily surrounded by water. As long as it doesn't rise, it's very good.

 

But we are together over the years, in many instances, in many great issues, and the first one is peace. You mentioned it. You were a soldier of peace.  You were in a peace-keeping force. The idea of peace, peace between nations, peace between men and women around the world. That idea that all human beings are endowed with the right to live, the right to be free, the idea that slavery wasn't permanent. Three thousand years ago, that was a crazy idea, that people are basically important in themselves, every individual. That is a bedrock of our common faith and our common values. So this is more than a political moment. It's a sharing of great values and great purposes.

 

These values are challenged in our region. We have just been engaged for close to two years in a seven-front war against those who don't accept anything that I've just said. They celebrate a cult of death, they wish to extinguish the life of the Jewish state, but they threaten the lives of all who share our values and all who share the core of our civilization. It's very important that we brothers help one another. I'm proud of the fact that we have been involved in the development of Fiji. We talked today about many other things we can do and we intend to take this on with much vigor and much enthusiasm. 

But the most important thing is what we're doing now.

The fact that you have come here, and you have put your embassy in Jerusalem and you recognize a truth that everybody should recognize, but few governments have so far. That this has been our capital for 3,000 years, since the days of King David, and in many ways, you spoke about the fact that you enabled, you're very proud of the fact that the first ambassador, you accepted him into your house. Welcome to our house, Mr. Prime Minister, which is your house and the house of the people of Fiji."

Video: GPO

AI'S HONEST OPINION ON JAMES MARAPE

Thursday |30|10|2025

Supplied is WhatsApp group

The following is an Honest opinion by AI on James Marape, the Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea, reflecting a range of common perspectives held by observers, analysts, and citizens.

---

Forming an honest opinion of James Marape requires separating the powerful rhetoric of his "Take Back PNG" and "Making PNG the Richest Black Christian Nation" vision from the complex and often brutal reality of governing a nation with profound challenges. The general consensus is that of a leader with grand ambitions, but whose tenure has been marked by a frustrating gap between promise and tangible results.

*The Promising Start: The Man of the Moment (2019-2020)*

When Marape took office in 2019 after the dramatic exit of Peter O'Neill, he was seen as a breath of fresh air. His ascent was built on a platform of:

A) *Economic Nationalism:* He promised to renegotiate major resource projects, like the PNG LNG project, to ensure a much greater share of benefits remained in PNG. This "Take Back PNG" slogan resonated deeply with a populace tired of seeing multinational corporations profit enormously while local communities saw little improvement.

B) *Anti-Corruption Stance:* He positioned himself as a reformer, vowing to tackle the systemic corruption that has plagued PNG's politics and bureaucracy for decades.

C) *Empowering Local Business:* He championed the cause of Papua New Guinean-owned businesses, promising to break the oligopolies often controlled by foreign interests.

At this stage, the opinion of him was overwhelmingly positive. He was the articulate, scripture-quoting leader who seemed to understand the people's grievances and had a clear plan to address them.

*The Reality of Governance: The Growing Disconnect (2021-Present)*

As his term progressed, the immense difficulty of delivering on these promises became apparent, and public opinion began to fracture.

1. *The Economy*: Lofty Goals, Harsh Realities

Marape's economic management is a central point of criticism.

a) *Soaring Debt*: PNG's national debt has ballooned significantly under his watch. While his government argues this was necessary for investment and to navigate crises like the COVID-19 pandemic and the collapse in commodity prices, critics see it as mortgaging the country's future.

b) *Foreign Exchange Crisis*: The critical shortage of foreign currency (USD, AUD) has persisted and, many argue, worsened. This strangles businesses, deters investment, and makes importing essential goods, including medicine, incredibly difficult.

c) *Currency Devaluation*: The government's decision to devalue the Kina was a controversial move. It was presented as a necessary economic adjustment, but it has drastically increased the cost of living for ordinary Papua New Guineans, effectively making them poorer.

2. *Resource Nationalism:* More Talk Than Action?

The grand renegotiations of resource projects have yielded limited public success.While the Porgera Gold Mine was eventually reopened after a protracted stalemate, the final terms are still debated—was it a major win for PNG or a compromised deal? Other major projects, like the P'nyang gas field, have seen negotiations stall. The perception is that the aggressive "take back" rhetoric has sometimes scared off investors without securing the transformational deals that were promised.

3. *Law and Order: A Nation on Edge*

This is perhaps the most damning area of public perception.The horrific riots in Port Moresby and Lae in January 2024 were a watershed moment. They exposed a complete breakdown in security intelligence and a government seemingly caught off guard. For many citizens, the daily reality of "raskolism" (gang violence), tribal fighting in the Highlands, and pervasive corruption is worse than ever. Marape's government is widely seen as having failed to make any meaningful progress on this, the most basic function of any state.

4. *Corruption and Coalition Politics*

The anti-corruption zeal has been diluted by the necessities of maintaining a coalition government in a fractured parliament.To stay in power, Marape has had to make alliances with figures who are often the subject of corruption allegations. This has led to accusations that he is just another "politician," playing the same old games to retain power, thereby undermining his original reformist image.

*Conclusion: An Honest Assessment*

An honest opinion of James Marape is that he is a leader trapped between his vision and his nation's inertia.

i) His strengths lie in his oratory skills, his articulation of a nationalistic vision that resonates with many, and his political shrewdness in maintaining a fragile coalition.

ii) His weaknesses are seen in the execution. The economy is in a precarious state, law and order have deteriorated, and the tangible improvements in healthcare, education, and infrastructure that citizens were promised have been few and far between.

Ultimately, many who were once hopeful now view his premiership with deep disappointment. They see a leader who talks of making PNG the "richest black Christian nation" while the country grapples with a failing currency, rampant violence, and a struggling population. He is not seen as malevolent, but as perhaps overwhelmed by the sheer scale of PNG's problems and constrained by a political system that rewards short-term survival over long-term reform.

The final judgment is still being written, but the current popular opinion is that James Marape's legacy is at risk of being defined not by the nation he promised to build, but by the one he has, thus far, been unable to fundamentally change.

-----

*By AI*

50 Years of Faith, Friendship and Freedom

In a world where faith often walks apart from politics, two men found a way to weave both into the soul of a nation. Together, Pastor Randall Prior and Pastor Sethy Regenvanu turned faith into a force for freedom for Vanuatu and forged a friendship that still bridges oceans today. This is theirstory.

Randall

When I first came to Vanuatu in 1979, it wasn’t the Vanuatu we know today. It was still called the New Hebrides — a country on the brink of independence, pulsing with the tension and hope of self-determination. I came as a delegate of the National Council of Churches in Australia, sent to show solidarity with the local church leaders who were guiding their people through that historic transformation.

That’s where I first met Pastor Sethy Regenvanu, now almost 50 years ago. He was already a respected voice — a pastor, an educator and a political leader-in-waiting. I remember sitting in that meeting hall in Port Vila, listening to him speak about the people’s right to govern themselves, and I was struck by his conviction. He was younger then, but you could tell he carried the weight of his people’s future in his voice.

When I returned to Australia, I couldn’t shake the impression he’d made. There was something profoundly spiritual in the way he linked faith and freedom for his country, as if independence were a divine calling.

Sethy

When I first met Randall, I saw a young man from Australia who truly wanted to understand what was happening in our country. Many foreign visitors came to observe and analyse — but Randall came to listen. At the time, I was serving as secretary of the New Hebrides Christian Council, and I had grown used to speaking firmly about what our people wanted: independence, dignity and partnership – not charity.

Randall listened with genuine respect, eager to know how the Australian churches could support us. I sensed from the beginning that we shared the belief that the church was not separate from the life of the people.

When independence came in 1980, I entered government as Minister for Agriculture, Lands and Forestry. Those were demanding years, and I did not see Randall again until 1983. But when he came back, this time as a pastor invited by our own church, our friendship truly began.

Randall

I still remember arriving with my wife, Heather, and our three children in January 1983. The country was newly independent and still finding its way. I had been invited by the Presbyterian Church of Vanuatu to serve as parish minister for Vila — 9 congregations and about 3,000 members.

At my welcome ceremony, Sethy spoke on behalf of the church. He told me three things I have never forgotten: “You are here because we invited you. You must work in the Melanesian way. And we will review your work each year.”

It was a gentle but firm reminder that this would be a partnership – that the church belonged to the people now and I was there to walk alongside them.

Sethy and Dorothy lived across the road from us with their family, and our children played together from morning until dusk. Those shared spaces were filled with the laughter of children, shared meals and Sunday worship — the distance between Australia and Vanuatu had disappeared.

Sethy

When Randall and his family moved next door, we welcomed them like family. Our children were in and out of each other’s homes all day. We didn’t think of ourselves as “the Vanuatu family” and “the Australian family.” They were simply our neighbours.

I admired how Randall embraced the Melanesian way. He learned Bislama quickly, joined in local worship and sought to understand our customs.

We talked often about faith and culture — how the gospel must speak in the language of our people and through our own stories.

At that time, I was serving in government, but I still saw no separation between church and politics. To me, both were a divine calling and Randall understood that. He never saw my political work as something apart from my ministry — rather, as another way of serving God’s purpose for our nation.

Randall

Those conversations with Sethy shaped my life. Every Tuesday, I met with my local colleague, Pastor Fiama Rakau, to discuss the Sunday readings and their meaning in the local context. Again and again, I found myself turning to Sethy too — to understand the deeper layers of Melanesian faith and wisdom.

We began to talk about how the gospel could be expressed through the culture of the Pacific. Later, those ideas became books and workshops — ten published volumes exploring Gospel and Culture in the Pacific. But the seeds of that work were sown in the conversations under Sethy’s verandah, over cups of coffee and the sounds of children playing between our homes.

When I think of those days, I realise how much Vanuatu changed me. Coming from Australia, where faith often feels private and individual, I found here a world where life was communal and it redefined my understanding of humanity.

Sethy

Randall and I were both writers, and both of us wanted to help others tell their stories. I wrote about education, faith and nationhood, and he wrote about the intersection of gospel and culture.

Even after he returned to Australia, we kept in touch. We shared letters, ideas and encouragement. When he received an award from the Australian Government for his work, he named me as his referee. When my wife Dorothy published her autobiography, we asked Randall to write the introduction. These gestures may seem small, but to me they represent something sacred.

What we built was not an official partnership or formal program. It was a friendship built on faith, service and respect.

Randall

It’s true our friendship never depended on proximity. Even when I went back to Australia, we remained close. I continued to visit Vanuatu almost every year, often during the National Assembly of the Church. Each time I returned, I felt as though I was coming home.

Decades later, I still work closely with Ni-Vanuatu people through the PALM scheme in Australia, helping Pacific workers settle and thrive. Many of them come from the same islands Sethy once told me about. When I see their resilience, humour and faith, I see his influence still alive in them.

The longer our friendship continues, the deeper it becomes — a blessing that words can hardly capture.

Sethy

I am now 80 years old, surrounded by my sons, grandchildren and great-grandchildren. When I look back, I see that the most important thing I have done in my life is not politics or titles, but relationships — with my people, my church and with friends like Randall.

He once told me there is no such thing as retirement in the Pacific, because age brings responsibility, not rest. I agree. I continue to write and teach because I want the next generation to understand where we came from — to remember the people who have walked before them, and to build on that foundation.

If I were to send Randall a message today, it would be one of gratitude. Thank you for never leaving us, for continuing the journey we began together, for helping our people find dignity and faith even from afar.

Randall

My message to Sethy would be this: Your wisdom is a treasure — not just for Vanuatu, but for all of us who have learned from you. You taught me that the gospel takes root when it grows in the soil of culture, and that friendship, like faith, is something you nurture for a lifetime.

We may live on different shores, but our hearts — as the people of Vanuatu once told me — are buried in the same soil.

news@dailypost.vu

• 
  

PETROMIN vs PETRONAS — THE VANISHING VISION OF SOVEREIGN WEALTH

 

By: Joseph Aporo | Engineering Surveyor & Customary Land Advocate | October 28, 2025 |

In 2007, Papua New Guinea stood on the cusp of a resource revolution. The late Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare, architect of independence and visionary of economic sovereignty, launched Petromin PNG Holdings Ltd — a state-owned petroleum company modeled after Malaysia’s Petronas. The name wasn’t accidental. Petromin echoed Petronas, signaling a bold ambition: to build a national oil and gas champion that could rival global giants and anchor PNG’s development.

But that vision was short-lived.

Following the 2011 political impasse and the rise of Hon. Peter O’Neill, Petromin was quietly dismantled. In its place emerged Kumul Petroleum Holdings Ltd (KPHL) — a rebranded entity with no clear continuity of Somare’s sovereign blueprint. The name changed. The ethos shifted. And with it, the dream of a PNG Petronas began to fade.

PETRONAS: A Sovereign Success Story

Petronas is more than a company — it’s a symbol of Malaysia’s resource independence. Founded in 1974, it grew into a vertically integrated global powerhouse, operating in over 50 countries and generating billions in revenue. Its profits fund national infrastructure, education, and innovation. Its towers dominate Kuala Lumpur’s skyline. Its brand commands respect.

Petromin, by contrast, was never given the chance to mature. It was born with promise but buried by politics.

KPHL: Sovereignty Undermined?

Today, KPHL operates in a fog of political interference. Licenses are stripped from local firms and handed to foreign entities. Strategic partnerships reroute wealth offshore. Ministers override corporate governance. What was meant to be a vehicle for national empowerment has become, in many cases, a conduit for neo-colonial extraction.

This is not reform. It is relocation of sovereignty.

The invisible war on PNG’s resource wealth is not fought in parliament or on battlefields. It unfolds in boardrooms, treaty negotiations, and ministerial corridors — where decisions are made without public scrutiny, and sovereignty is traded for short-term gain.

The Curriculum of Betrayal

This history — the rise and fall of PETROMIN, the politicization of KPHL, the erosion of resource sovereignty — must be taught in our schools. Not as a footnote, but as a foundational lesson in nationhood. Our children must learn that sovereignty is not inherited. It is built, defended, and sometimes stolen.

CONCLUSION: Reclaiming the Sovereign Vision

As Papua New Guinea commemorates its Golden Jubilee, the defining question is not whether we merely “reset at 50,” but whether we will still possess sovereign control over our oil, gas, and mineral wealth by the time we reach 60.

Empowering Kumul Petroleum Holdings Ltd to evolve into PNG’s own Petronas is not simply a matter of sound economic policy — it is a profound act of national reclamation. This transformation demands more than structural reform; it requires the insulation of KPHL from political interference, the restoration of its original mandate, and a recommitment to the founding vision laid down by the late Grand Chief Sir Michael Thomas Somare.

His legacy endures not only in the institutional blueprint of Petromin, but in the unwavering belief that Papua New Guinea can — and must — unite to achieve true economic independence. That vision still watches over us. It calls for courage, integrity, and collective resolve to ensure that our national petroleum company serves the people, not the proxies of foreign interests.

Only then can we reclaim what was envisioned: A SOVEREIGN FUTURE BUILT ON OUR OWN TERMS. ♣︎

Photo Credit: Petromin Holdings Limited Website

ABUSE OF OFFICE AND POLITICAL BLACKMAIL IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA

Papua New Guinea now stands at a dangerous crossroads — a nation where the instruments of law and order have been weaponized by those sworn to uphold them....

It is now painfully clear that Prime Minister James Marape and Police Commissioner David Manning have turned key state institutions into private tools of blackmail, intimidation, and political manipulation.

Instead of protecting justice and democracy, they have created a shadow network of control — using investigations, arrests, and state resources to silence, threaten, and dominate fellow leaders....

THE GLORIA SALIKA BARGAIN — A COLLUSION OF POWER

At the heart of this scandal lies the Gloria Salika case — a criminal investigation into the Chief Justice’s own daughter, Gloria Francesca Salika, who was formally charged for money laundering, misappropriation, and conspiracy to defraud, involving funds from Western Province landowners....

Police financial tracing revealed that part of those stolen funds were transferred into an account belonging to Chief Justice Sir Gibbs Gibuna Salika....

When this evidence reached Police Commissioner David Manning, he allegedly briefed Prime Minister Marape....

But instead of ordering the police to act, Marape instructed Manning to stand down, effectively burying the case...

That single decision became Marape’s ultimate leverage — the tool of blackmail that silenced the Chief Justice...

In return for Marape’s protection of Gloria Salika, the Chief Justice refused to entertain Marape’s three written letters to former Finance Deputy Secretary Jacob Yafai , which had authorised illegal payments to Paul Paraka Lawyers— the very scandal that could have exposed Marape’s own hands...

A BARGAIN FOR SILENCE THAT CORRUPTED JUSTICE

This bargain for silence has infected the highest seat of justice...

It explains why Paul Tiensten was sent to Bomana Prison for ten years over a mere footnote, yet James Marape walked free after signing three (3) written payments directives--an injustice that stains the judiciary itself..

This is no coincidence...

This is collusion--a criminal web of protection where justice is traded for Political safety...

BLACKMAIL AS A POLITICAL WEAPON..

The many many land deal was maliciously reopened by commissioner Manning, not for justice but to threaten Minister William Duma...

The PNG games funds investigation was selectively reviewed to corner Governor William Powi...

A serious file involving Goroka MP Aiya Tambua has been deliberately suppressed while Deputy PM John Rosso , Rainbo Paita and former PM, Peter O'Neill have been targets of covert investigations controlled directly from Police headquarters...

This calculated pattern of selective prosecution, political intimidation and abuse of investigative Power is a direct threat to democracy..

What was once a justice system is now a machinery of blackmail and extortion , run from the highest office of the Government...

A NATION HELD HOSTAGE BY BLACKMAIL

PNG must wake up now to the reality that Prime Minister James Marape and Police commissioner Mr David Manning have created a dangerous network of blackmail--- targeting fello leaders , senior bureaucrats and political figures to maintain control and Power..

This is no longer about Law and order --it is about Political Survival through fear, intimidation and manipulation..

The Government built on blackmail cannot stand on the foundation of justice..

If this Government continued unchecked, PNG democracy will collapse under the weight of its own corruption...

African Revolution of Sciences, Technology and Spirituality

In a small workshop, four African schoolgirls turned imagination into power—literally. They built a generator that creates six hours of electricity from just one liter of urine, proving that innovation begins not with resources, but with vision.

Their invention is a testament to human creativity—to the way necessity and curiosity merge into brilliance when guided by courage. What others might overlook, they transformed into energy.

Science calls this hydrogen conversion. Spirit calls it alchemy—the transformation of the ordinary into the extraordinary.

These girls remind the world that genius does not require wealth, and that innovation often blooms in the places least expected. They are pioneers of possibility, proving that the future belongs to those who dare to rethink what’s possible.

Their creation is not just technology—it’s empowerment, showing that energy can flow from compassion, community, and courage.

They’ve turned waste into light, both literally and symbolically—a perfect metaphor for how humanity can transmute challenges into illumination.

From their hands, a spark was born that now belongs to the world.

Bill to separate lease and custom land ownership processes

By Terence Malapa Oct 21, 2025 Updated 

Parliament will debate the Custom Land Management (Amendment) Act No. of 2025, in its extraordinary session this week.

This amendment aims to solve long-standing problems in how custom land is managed in Vanuatu.

The Minister of Justice and Community Services will present the Bill that makes changes to the Custom Land Management Act No. 33 of 2013 to fix confusion caused by overlapping laws and unclear roles between different government departments.

One of the main goals is to make land processes simpler and clearer. At the moment, several land laws are mixed together, such as the issuing of negotiator’s certificates, identifying custom landowners, and creating land leases. This has caused delays and confusion.

Under the new amendment, the Custom Land Management Office (CLMO) will no longer be responsible for identifying custom landowners when someone applies for a negotiator’s certificate.

Instead, the CLMO’s role will be limited to helping with the identification of landowners and use rights before the application goes to the Department of Lands.

The Bill also aims to return power to traditional systems when it comes to solving land disputes.

In 2013, changes to the Constitution recognized nakamals and Area Land Tribunals as the final authorities on custom land ownership.

However, the original law required these groups to make decisions only if all members agreed, which slowed things down.

The bill removes this rule and allows decisions to be made according to local custom, speeding up the process and supporting traditional ways of decision-making.

Another important change is the creation of a National Registry for customary land.

Currently information about custom landowners is kept under a different law that makes it hard to update.

The new registry will keep up-to-date records of land interests, disputes, and landowner representatives. It will be managed by a National Coordinator and help those applying for negotiator’s certificates by providing reliable information.

The Bill also removes the role of community land officers. These officers were introduced in 2013 without proper planning.

They were usually full-time public servants like teachers or police officers

expected to do land duties for free. This caused problems and risks, so the government has decided to delete all parts of the law that mention them.

The amendment also includes other changes such as updating legal definitions, removing sections of the old law, and adding new rules for how decisions are made, how disputes are resolved, and how landowner representatives are chosen or changed.

One of the most important changes is a clear process for appointing and replacing landowner representatives, with meetings organized and recorded by custom land officers.

This amendment is an important step toward making Vanuatu’s land laws better match traditional systems. By supporting custom leadership, creating a national land record, and removing unrealistic legal rules, the Bill brings land management back in line with Vanuatu’s culture and practical needs.

The new law will take effect once it is published in the official Gazette. Government departments and custom authorities are now preparing to carry it out.

These changes are expected to make land matters clearer, reduce conflicts, and build more public trust in how land is managed in Vanuatu.

terence@dailypost.vu